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CHAPTER IV
STATUS
OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN SEVERAL COUNTRIES
Under its mandate to promote the observance and defense of
human rights, the IACHR has been reviewing the status of human rights
in the countries of the hemisphere and has drawn up special reports on
some of them. These
reports have been prepared on the Commission's own initiative, or upon
instructions from an organ of the Organization of American States,
and, in some cases, at the spontaneous request of the country
concerned.
The Commission feels that these reports, their subsequent
dissemination and discussion thereof, have helped to change the
behavior of particular countries as regards the observance of human
rights, and in some cases, the reports have placed on record that the
behavior of a country is in accordance with the international
commitments it has undertaken in the field of human rights.
The Commission's Annual Report submitted to the twenty-fourth
regular session of the General Assembly included a chapter with
sections on the status of human rights in Cuba, Guatemala, Nicaragua
and Peru.
In this Chapter, the Commission considers the status of human
rights in Colombia, Cuba, El Salvador and Guatemala.
In order to make the information available to it as full and
complete as possible, the Commission, on October 1994, requested that
the above mentioned countries provide it with any information they
deemed appropriate, but particularly information on how they had
complied with the Commission's previous recommendations; on the
progress they had made and any difficulties they had encountered in
effective observance of human rights; and on the text of any statute
enacted or case law that might have affected the observance of human
rights.
Where warranted, the Governments' responses and any other
information from various sources to which the Commission has had
access have been taken into consideration in drafting this chapter.
The Commission reiterates that the inclusion of these sections
is not designed to give an overall and complete description of the
status of human rights in each of the four countries mentioned.
The Commission's intent here is rather to give an update
covering the period of one year since the last general reports.
For many years the Commission has closely monitored the
development of the human rights situation in Colombia, taking into
account the serious level of violence that has prevailed there during
the past two decades. Although several thousand Colombians have lost their lives
during this violent period, the country has been able to maintain and
consolidate its democratic and constitutional institutions and
structures. It has even been able to achieve significant economic,
social, political, and cultural progress and achievements at the
national and international levels.
The problem of violence and human rights violations--primarily by
the army, paramilitary organizations, guerrillas, and narcoterrorism--is
seen by the Commission not as an isolated phenomenon, but as a reality
that occurs in the existing framework of violence in Colombia. On the
basis of its observations during the 1980's and 1990's, the Commission
has issued two general reports on the human rights situation in
Colombia. The first was
issued in June, 1981, and the second in October, 1993.
During its 87th session in September, 1994, the Commission
decided that this chapter should contain a follow-up report to the
Second Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Colombia, approved by
the Commission on October 14, 1993, in order to reflect the major
developments that have in one way or another affected respect for human
rights in this country (November 1993 to January 1995).
THE PHENOMENON OF VIOLENCE
The phenomenon of violence in Colombia has been experienced
throughout nearly all of the country, and seems to be one of the hardest
problems to solve. According
to the Colombian government's report to the Commission, in the first
half on 1994 alone there were 11,176 homicides, which represents a
monthly average of 1,862 deaths. The
same source says these levels of violence are alarmingly high. The
greatest concentration of violence and human rights violations is still
found in areas where guerrillas and the army are active.[1]
On the matter of so-called political assassinations, information
available to the Commission from the Andean Commission of Jurists and
the Popular Education Research Center (CINEP) indicates the following:
1.
In 1994 there were 1,577 victims of political violence, human
rights violations, and violence against the poor and victims of
discrimination. This total number of incidents is broken down into 1,268
assassinations and 113 disappearances of persons for political or
presumably political motives, and 196 assassinations of the poor.
There were also 841 victims of combat, including civilians, armed
forces personnel, and guerrillas.[2]
2.
There were 1,030 political homicides in 1994, including 809
killed in combat and 221 non-combat homicides. This figure is a sharp
reduction from the previous year, when CINEP reported 2,242 political
homicides.[3]
The poorest and most vulnerable sectors are the hardest hit by
the violence. In rural
areas, peasants are often victims of state security organs that accuse
them of being guerrillas or collaborating with them. The peasants are
also targets of guerrilla groups, which accuse them of being army
informants. Peasants are also victims of actions by paramilitary groups
and armed clashes between the army and the rebels. Between January and
September there were reports that 305 peasants were assassinated and 27
disappeared.[4]
POLITICAL RIGHTS
1994 was a year in which Colombians could exercise the right of
suffrage four times. With
17,000,000 voters, the country voted on March 13 in legislative
elections and a Liberal Party primary for choosing the party's
presidential candidate; on May 29 and June 19 in the presidential
elections; and on October 30, in the election of mayors and council
members for 1,036 Colombian municipalities and governors for the
country's 32 departments.
For the legislative elections
held on Sunday, March 13, 1994 there were 879 lists of candidates
registered with election authorities for the Senate and House contests;
757 were headed by men and 122 by women.
Voting took place at 45,000 tables in 8,000 precincts in the
country's 1,036 municipalities and 32 departments.
As a result of the elections, the 163 seats in the House of
Representatives were filled as follows: Liberal Party, 89; Conservative
Party, 56; Democratic Alliance M-19, 2; black communities, 2; and other
movements, 14.
Presidential elections to choose the successor to Dr. Cesar
Gaviria Trujillo, whose four-year-term ended August 7, 1994, involved 18
candidates, of whom 15 were men and 3 women. The presidential elections
were on May 29 for the first round and June 19 for the second round. On
that occasion Colombians elected a Vice-President for the first time,
pursuant to the new Constitution in force since July 5, 1991.
The results of the first round of the election gave Liberal Party
candidate Ernesto Samper a plurality of more than 18,000 votes over his
nearest rival. He received 45.2% of the votes, compared with 44.9% for
Conservative Party candidate Andr
s Pastrana. Since no candidate obtained 50% of the votes
to win the election in the first round, a second round was held, as
scheduled, on June 19. On that occasion, Ernesto Samper received the
greatest number of votes and was elected President.
He is serving a four-year term from 1994 to 1998, which began on
August 7, 1994.
Municipal elections were held on October 30, 1994 to elect 1,043
mayors, 11,000 city council members, and 503 deputies to departmental
assemblies. On the same date, there were gubernatorial elections in 32
departments. In this election the ruling Liberal Party won 22 of the 33
governorships.
RIGHT TO PERSONAL LIBERTY
The Commission is aware of the complex and delicate situation of
violence prevalent in Colombia and the myriad factors that cause it,
with regard to which authorities must act in a rapid and timely member
to protect the public and the legal order. However, the Commission is
concerned about a recent decision of the Constitutional Court, which
could effect full enjoyment of the right to personal liberty.
Before the enactment of Colombia's new Constitution, the old
National Police Code in force permitted police officers to make arrests
without court order. When
the new constitutional provision came into force, providing that one
cannot be deprived of liberty without a court order, this effectively
nullified the provision of the National Police Code that was clearly
contrary to the new Constitution. However, since the former provision
was not expressly repealed and its existence was a latent threat, the
suit sought to invalidate the law by decision of the Constitutional
Court.
According to the Constitutional Court's ruling of February, 1994,
a person can be arrested not only in the act of committing a crime, but
when there are "well-founded reasons" for believing that he or
she has committed a crime. This decision of the Constitutional Court has
naturally alarmed Colombian human rights organizations, even though the
Constitutional Court wisely recommended that court orders for arrests
should be considered the norm, and that "preventive administrative
detention" be employed as infrequently as possible.
The Commission has noted that on the day after the Court's
decision was announced, there were many arrests without court order.
Public Defender Dr. Jaime Córdoba Triviño also sharply
criticized mass detention of persons and said it is unacceptable to
deprive thousands of people of their freedom without individual arrest
warrants, in an attempt to apprehend a few persons sought by
authorities.
LAW ON FORCED DISAPPEARANCE OF PERSONS
When Congress passed a law classifying disappearance as a crime,
the former Government--alleging constitutional impediments--vetoed the
provisions that established that an act of forced disappearance could
not be considered service-related and prohibited that obeying orders be
adduced to mitigate responsibility in disappearance cases.
Article 2 was vetoed on the grounds that establishing the same
penalty for forced disappearance of persons whether legally or illegally
detained constituted a violation of the principle of equal treatment
under law.
The vetoes are presently under study in the House of
Representatives. If it decides differently than the Senate, the draft
will be dead, according to the applicable law and congressional rules of
procedure.
RATIFICATION OF THE SECOND PROTOCOL OF THE GENEVA CONVENTION
On August 17, 1994, the Government submitted to Congress for
ratification the Second Additional Protocol of the Geneva Conventions of
1949. The bill was
initially approved by the Senate with an appended declaration of
reservations concerning interpretation that were incompatible with the
objective and purpose of the treaty, because they weakened it and
perverted its intention to protect human life and dignity, and to
protect the civilian population and noncombatants.
However, the bill was approved by the first commission of the
House without reservations or declarations added, thus overcoming
difficulties that have existed for more than 15 years in Colombia for
ratification of this important humanitarian document.
The law was signed by the President on December 16, 1994. All
that remains for it to enter into effect is a determination by the
Constitutional Court regarding its constitutionality.
REPORT OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS PROSECUTOR
On August 24, 1994, the Office of the Attorney General issued its
report. This important report states, among other things, that "it
is highly disturbing that a democratic Government like that of Colombia
is recording such high numbers of these incidents" and that
"this leads to the conclusion that the community perceives that
organs for the state's protection and security are more repressive and
more aggressive..." and that "this demonstrates the absence of
a firm policy to combat human rights violations by state agents."
The report concludes by stating: "One of the few encouraging
signs in this report is that the number of victims of human rights
violations presumably perpetrated by state agents has decreased by about
36 percent between 1991 and 1993".
THE PUBLIC DEFENDER
On September 20, 1994, while participating in the 87th session of
the Commission, the Public Defender of Colombia addressed the full IACHR
to describe progress achieved in the institution of public defender in
the countries of Latin America, and on the situation of human rights in
Colombia.
The Public Defender said there is no excuse for human rights
violations in Colombia; that human rights violations in that country are
not "isolated acts;" that some attempt to limit state
responsibility in human rights matters because terrorists, subversives,
drug traffickers and other criminals as private persons also kill, maim,
rape, and kidnap, but state violence cannot be justified or condoned
with the argument that private individuals also act violently; that for
many years many military and police personnel responsible for human
rights abuses have enjoyed a high degree of impunity; and that the human
rights situation in Colombia is a reality contrary to law.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Ernesto Samper was inaugurated as President of Colombia on August
7, 1994. From the outset the new Government has demonstrated
extraordinary interest in human rights, noting that it is not an image
problem, but a problem of reality; that it is necessary to put an end to
all the violence, political violence and violations of human rights.
Because President Samper emphasizes and enumerates his country's
main human rights problems--pointed out by the Commission in its last
report on the situation of human rights in Colombia--and because of his
commitment to attack them, it is pertinent to cite some of his policy
statements on human rights:
With regard to the supervision entrusted to international human
rights organizations by governments, President Samper declares his
willingness to "accept the challenge to present Colombia to the
international community as a country that strives unceasingly for the
respect of human rights and international humanitarian law within its
borders, that has no qualms about submitting itself to the scrutiny of
intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations for the defense of
human rights.
On the recommendations of international organizations he has
stated: "We shall give special heed to recommendations from
intergovernmental specialized agencies on policies and measures to be
adopted in order to promote and protect human rights. We shall submit
legislation to Congress to authorize the government to use the national
budget to pay compensation for violation of basic human rights when it
is ordered by intergovernmental human rights organizations."
Regarding the conformity of domestic laws with international
standards President Samper declared: "We shall undertake a review
of the country's situation with regard to international human rights
instruments and international humanitarian law to establish the nature
and extent of compliance with these instruments under which we are
obligated. We shall launch a work program for adoption of domestic
measures needed for the application of international human rights law
and international humanitarian law."
On the serious problem of impunity: "Impunity has attained
alarming levels in Colombia, resulting in a substantial increase in
human rights violations in the country. We are faced with a widespread
phenomenon of criminal conduct that overtaxes the capacity of the legal
system. To confront it, the justice system shall be given the necessary
human, financial, physical, and technical resources to carry out its
duties. It is indispensable
that the punitive authority of the state be brought to bear with full
weight on the conduct of those who betray their trust as protectors of
democratic legality. To this end the Government will press with its
utmost political will and determination.
On humanitarian law: "The existence of an armed conflict in
the country cannot serve as a pretext for violations of human rights and
humanitarian law. That conflict can and must be subject to the norms for
rendering war more humane. To move in that direction, my Government has
again presented legislation to Congress for ratifying Colombia's
adherence to Protocol II of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 on
international humanitarian law. The Government will follow the course of
this bill in Congress closely, and continue to press for it until it is
passed.[5]
With reference to nongovernmental human rights organizations:
"My Government's door will be open for individuals and private
groups dedicated to the promotion and defense of basic human rights. It
will disagree with them when their positions warrant it, and demand that
they exercise objectivity and balance, but it will not reject them or
regard their work as illegitimate.
My Government will seek to establish constructive relations with
them and do whatever is needful to protect their members' life and
safety.[6]
On military submission to civilian authority: President Samper
states: "I hold the deep conviction that no state can demand
respect from its citizens if its own agents act in an arbitrary manner
to violate the individuals' rights. (It is) indispensable to spare no
effort on the part of public authority to ensure that the conduct of
members of the public force is unfailingly within the mandates of the
Constitution, the law, and the international treaties on human rights
and international humanitarian law by which Colombia is bound...."
"Human rights will not be honored as a concession to those who have
taken up arms or their organizations, but as the natural development of
its deep conviction that no country can demand respect from its citizens
if its own agents act in an arbitrary manner to violate individual
rights."
The Commission welcomes the Colombian President's statements and
assures him of its willingness to continue working with his Government
to implement the proposed policies to promote, protect, and defend human
rights in Colombia.
THE TRUJILLO CASE
When considering case 11007, concerning the violent events in
Trujillo, in accordance with Article 48.f of the American Convention on
Human Rights the Commission, through its representatives Leo Valladares
Lanza and Claudio Grossman, offered
to help the parties concerned reach a friendly settlement of the matter
on the basis of respect for the human rights recognized in the
Convention. The proposal was accepted by the petitioners and during the
87th session of the IACHR it was formalized in a Memorandum of
Understanding that at the suggestion of the Government established an ad
hoc commission to investigate the facts of the case.
Under the supervision of the IACHR, represented by the member who
is the rapporteur for Colombia, Dr. Leo Valladares Lanza, the ad hoc
commission carried on its work from October 1994 to January 1995. It was
composed of the Public Defender, who chaired it, and representatives of
the Senate, the Prosecutor General's Office, the Attorney General's
Office, the Presidential Advisory Office on Human Rights, the Ministry
of Government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Defense Ministry,
the Administrative Security Department, the Interfaith Committee for
Justice and Peace, the Colombian Red Cross, the Association of Relatives
of Disappeared Detainees, the Jose Alvear Restrepo law group, the
Colombian Section of the Andean Commission of Jurists, and the
Foundation of the Committee for Solidarity with Political Prisoners.
In its 88th session, the IACHR took note of the progress of the
ad hoc commission and its unanimous report recognizing the
responsibility of the Colombian government in the case. The IACHR
considers the final report to be of singular importance for the
promotion and protection of human rights in accordance with the terms of
the American Convention on Human Rights. The Commission therefore resolved:
1. To recognize and accept as its own the conclusions of the report to
the effect that the Government of Colombia is responsible for the
violent events at Trujillo; 2. To recognize and accept as its own the
recommendations contained in the report on the events at Trujillo;
3. To continue to monitor the case and the implementation of the
report's recommendations, as requested in the report's special
recommendation; and 4. To hear the parties in the next session of the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights--to be held in September of
this year--concerning the status of the Colombian government's execution
of the final report's recommendations.
The Commission has noted with satisfaction that when Colombian
President Ernesto Samper received the text of the above-mentioned
document he said, among other things: "From the outset of my
government I decided, in consultation with the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights, to establish this commission to investigate the
Trujillo case. Today it is presenting its findings and recommendations
to us;" that the Trujillo affair "is one of the blackest pages
in the long nightmare of violence and suffering that has afflicted us
for many years;" that "those who have closely followed the
episodes of the Trujillo case will surely concur that they are shocking
and terrifying;" "We are and want to be a different country
from the one that appears in these apocalyptic, anguished views of the
events at Trujillo...a country where we are able to feel shame, as
simple human beings, for such senseless and offensive acts of
violence;" that his government accepts the report "with a
resolute determination to change, so that this sad story of Trujillo may
never be repeated again."
Dr. Samper also said: "As President of Colombia, I accept
the government's responsibility for acts or omissions of public servants
in connection with the violence that occurred in Trujillo between 1988
and 1990;" "We shall take all necessary steps so that the
recommendations contained in the Trujillo Report are carried out;"
"As President of Colombia, and in defense of international
humanitarian law, I accept the responsibility for the serious
infractions committed by government employees in connection with the
same events;" "As President of Colombia, I accept the
financial liability for the consequences of these serious acts or
omissions by the state and I pledge to submit to Congress a bill
authorizing the government to pay for the corresponding compensation in
accordance with national and international authorities;" "In
memory of the persons killed, the government will undertake a major
social program in the Trujillo area, and erect a monument in memory of
them and all victims of violence, as recommended in the commission's
report that I have received today;" "The government will also
cooperate actively with the Prosecutor General's Office, the Attorney
General's Office, and the Public Defender's Office to bring satisfactory
resolution to the investigations of the Trujillo case;" "I
hope that the position we are taking today serves as an example to all
public servants in Colombia concerning my government's unfailing resolve
to respect and ensure respect for human rights;" "I hope that
it will also enlighten Colombians who have mistakenly chosen the path of
confrontation, so they see the damage we are causing by this fratricidal
violence;" "I hope that it will also encourage organizations
that defend human rights to note these positive steps in their reports,
so that some of the groups can stop maligning us with severe
condemnation;" "Finally, I hope that our children who are one
day breathing the pure air of peace will reflect that we felt all the
hate we could muster and confirmed the right to hope."
EFFECT OF ACTIONS BY IRREGULAR ARMED GROUPS ON THE OBSERVANCE OF
HUMAN RIGHTS
Pursuant to the recommendations of the OAS General Assembly, the
Commission includes in this report an account of the effect of actions
by irregular armed groups on the observance of human rights in Colombia
during this period.
Colombia's election process and political rights were constantly
threatened and boycotted by political action of the country's guerrilla
movements, which terrorized and attacked the officials and agencies
responsible for the elections, the political parties and their
candidates, and voters who were to take part in them. This took the form
of various terrorist acts, such as dynamiting offices of the Liberal and
Conservative parties in several precincts; attacks on the life and
person of those parties' candidates; and kidnapping of many candidates
for congress, mayor, governor, and regional and local office. Many of
these threats and intimidations ended in the assassination of local
political leaders and officials. This campaign of threat and
intimidation was also directed at voters to discourage them from casting
their ballots.
To confront this campaign of terror and insecurity, the
Government mobilized 100,000 troops to protect voting places, political
party offices, and homes of several congressional candidates. The
situation deteriorated to the point that the opposition Conservative
Party accused the Liberal government of then President César Gaviria
Trujillo of failing to provide the security guarantees needed to carry
out its political campaign. The
Patriotic Union (a political group made up of former FARC guerrillas)
and the Communist Party, which were the target of attacks against their
offices or candidates from paramilitary groups rather than from
guerrillas, requested the presence of international observers to monitor
the elections.
The right to life has also been seriously compromised by the
activity of armed irregular groups through what are called political
homicides. Data from the Popular Education Research Center (CINEP)
indicate that irregular armed groups are responsible for 46.73% of the
homicides in 1993 and 33.24% of the homicides in the first half of 1994.
To these facts must be added the wave of kidnapping, which
claimed 1,282 victims in 1990; 1,717 in 1991, 1,320 in 1992, and 1,014
in 1993;[7]
from January to December 1994 there were 881 kidnappings, of which 219
were attributed to the National Liberation Army (ELN), 31 to the
dissident faction of the Popular Liberation Army (EPL), 6 to the
dissident faction of the April 19th Movement (M-19), 131 to the
Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), and 494 to common
criminals.[8]
CONCLUSIONS
1.
The human rights situation in Colombia, as one may observe, is
still a matter of serious concern for the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights.
2.
Colombian authorities do not ignore, deny, or cover up the
country's human rights problem. On the contrary, they recognize it,
reject it, and condemn it. Proof of that are statements from the highest
level authorities, some of which are included in this report.
3.
The new administration of President Ernesto Samper has clearly
signalled its position and convictions on the subject of human rights,
and his government submits itself to international scrutiny.
The IACHR is pleased that this new democratic Government has
begun with clear statement of an express commitment to respect human
rights and cause them to be respected, and to facilitate the work of
human rights organizations in their international mission of monitoring
and defending those rights.
4.
In order to provide a suitable international legal framework for
the new law on forced disappearance of persons, which is currently
before the Colombian Congress, it is recommended that the Government
ratify the International Convention on Forced Disappearance of Persons,
signed by Colombia on August 5, 1994.
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